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Yesterday, little kids pulled red wagons loaded with signed petitions up to Capital Hill, in support of expanding children’s health insurance — today Bush vetoed the bill, telling the nation only that it would “move us in the wrong direction.”

NOW he’s a fiscal conservative — anxious not to pour the nations wealth into the gaping hole of “socialized” medicine and those ever-needy welfare cases [the cigarette tax that would pay for this was considered a “tax increase” on his cronies in Big Tobacco;] and all this, despite his record of borrowing and spending more than ALL PREVIOUS PRESIDENTS PUT TOGETHER, and raising the debt bar up to 10 trillion bucks [all those “supplementary increases” he gets for Iraq, by the way … billions on billions … do not figure into that debt; it will take the NEXT president to determine how much damage has been done to America’s solvency.]

So for Bush and his Republicans, gimme more more more to kill kids in Iraq … and less less less to kill them here.

I don’t know if this was the wisest plan to cover the little ones; Kucinich voted against it … I’d be interested in his thoughts. It was, however, one of the first nods toward doing ANYTHING AT ALL for the public in recent memory. And I think THIS one’s a nail in George’s already-closed casket — legacy? HA! Even his own are hanging their heads.

Jude

Bush the Fiscal Conservative?
Dan Froomkin, WaPo
Wednesday, October 3, 2007

The three previous times President Bush vetoed a bill, he did so in public.

In July 2006 and this past June, he surrounded himself with supportive anti-abortion activists who welcomed his veto of stem-cell legislation. In May, when he vetoed legislation that would have established a timeline for troop withdrawal from Iraq, he did so in a televised address that rallied his fellow Republicans.

But this morning’s veto of a bipartisan bill that would have dramatically expanded children’s health insurance came behind closed doors, with no fanfare or visuals.

Who, after all, would have cheered him this time?

Jennifer Loven writes for the Associated Press that the veto was “one that some Republicans feared could carry steep risks for their party in next year’s elections.”

A Washington Post/ABC News poll taken last week found that 72 percent of Americans supported the legislation.

[…]

‘Stop the Madness’

Sometimes the best defense is a good offense.

Here’s White House press secretary Dana Perino on Bush’s expected veto yesterday: “In a time when [Democrats] think that they want to increase funding for children’s health care, they’re actually wanting to pay for it with a cigarette tax, which includes — people who smoke are usually — the majority are in the low-income bracket. And so they’re raising taxes on something to pay for a middle-class entitlement. It’s just completely irresponsible. Stop the madness on Capitol Hill.”

Bush Vetoes Children’s Health Bill
DAVID STOUT, NYT
October 3, 2007

WASHINGTON, Oct. 3 — President Bush vetoed the children’s health insurance bill today, as he had promised to do, setting the stage for more negotiations between the White House and Congress and sparking unusual dismay from some prominent Republicans.

Mr. Bush wielded his pen with no fanfare just before leaving for a visit to Lancaster, Pa. The veto was only the fourth of Mr. Bush’s presidency.

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adding that he hoped to work with the lawmakers “to produce a good bill that puts poorer children first.”

The bill was approved by Congress with unusual bipartisan support, as many Republicans who side with the president on almost everything else voted to expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program, or Schip, from its current enrollment of about 6.6 million children to more than 10 million.

The measure would provide $60 billion over the next five years, $35 billion more than current spending and $30 billion more than the president proposed. Mr. Bush and his backers argue that the bill would be a step toward federalization of health care, and that it would steer the program away from its core purpose of providing insurance for poor children and toward covering children from middle-class families. The program was to expire on Sept. 30 but financing for it has been continued through a stopgap spending bill that will be in effect through mid-November.

The White House has rejected as “preposterous” any suggestion that Mr. Bush does not care about the welfare of poor children.

Later, in an appearance before the Lancaster Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Mr. Bush expanded on his reasons for vetoing the bill. “It is estimated that if this program were to become law, one out of every three persons that would subscribe to the new expanded Schip would leave private insurance,” the president said. “The policies of the government ought to be to help poor children and to focus on poor children, and the policies of the government ought to be to help people find private insurance, not federal coverage. And that’s where the philosophical divide comes in.”

But the philosophical divide is not just between Republicans and Democrats, as the reaction of some Republicans demonstrated.

“Unfortunately, I believe that some have given the president bad advice on this matter,” said Senator Orrin G. Hatch, Republican of Utah. He said supporting the health bill “is the morally right thing to do,” and that he hoped Mr. Bush’s veto could be overridden.

Another Republican, Senator Gordon Smith of Oregon, expressed similar sentiments and called Mr. Bush’s decision “an irresponsible use of the veto pen.”

And Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, Republican of Texas, said there were “valid concerns about expanding Schip,” but that Mr. Bush should “sit down with Congress so that we can continue the Schip program within the scope of its original mission.”

As expected, the veto brought immediate statements of anger from Democrats.

“Today we learned that the same president who is willing to throw away a half trillion dollars in Iraq is unwilling to spend a small fraction of that amount to bring health care to American children,” said Senator Edward M. Kennedy, the chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee.

Mr. Kennedy’s fellow Democrat from Massachusetts and Mr. Bush’s 2004 opponent, Senator John Kerry, said, “Today with a single stroke of his veto pen, President Bush single-handedly jeopardized health care for millions of poor children.”

Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority leader, said the “heartless veto” showed how “detached President Bush is from the priorities of the American people.”
Representative Rahm Emanuel of Illinois, chairman of the House Democratic Caucus, said, “Today the president showed the nation his true priorities: $700 billion for a war in Iraq, but no health care for low-income kids.”

Gov. Jon Corzine of New Jersey said: “Once again, President Bush has missed an opportunity to display compassionate leadership. Instead, he has resorted to political and ideological gamesmanship rather than seek a bipartisan solution that would protect this nation’s most vulnerable children.”

Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York, said: “We have no choice but to try to override his veto. The Senate already has the votes to do it, so it is now up to the holdouts in the House to decide whether to vote their conscience or join the president in putting ideology above kids.”

Mr. Schumer put his finger on the numbers working against supporters of the bill. It cleared the Senate by a veto-proof 67 to 29, but the vote in the House was 265 to 159, a couple dozen short of the two-thirds needed to override Mr. Bush’s veto, assuming that the full House voted.

Representative Roy Blunt of Missouri, the House Republican whip, told The Associated Press he was “absolutely confident” that there was strong enough opposition in the House to sustain a veto. But Mr. Blunt’s counterpart in the Senate, Trent Lott of Mississippi, said Congress should be able to reach a compromise with the president. “We can work it out,” Mr. Lott told the A.P.

Dana Perino, the White House spokeswoman, said Mr. Bush’s critics had “made their political point.”

“What the president said is, look, send me the bill, I will veto it, and then we will get about the business of trying to find some common ground and reach an agreement on a way forward,” Ms. Perino said.

Making Hay Over the Health Care Veto
JAY NEWTON-SMALL, TIME Magazine
Tuesday, Oct. 02, 2007

Democrat Eric Massa happened to be in Washington last week for a fund-raiser for his bid to challenge Rep. Randy Kuhl (pronounced “cool”), a Republican from upstate New York, for his seat next year, and he couldn’t believe his good fortune. As his potential opponent voted against the expansion of the State Children’s Health Insurance Plans (SCHIP), Massa felt like he was watching Kuhl commit “political suicide” for all to see on C-SPAN.

Massa wasted no time broadcasting Kuhl’s vote in the district, which stretches from near Lake Ontario to the Pennsylvania border. The next night at a house party in Naples, New York, he told supporters how Kuhl’s vote represented the worst of the Republican Party: solidarity with special interest groups and a rigid refusal to stray from the party line.

That party line, of course, is coming straight from the top, and many observers think it will come back to haunt the entire G.O.P. a year from now. While the bill passed both chambers of Congress with relatively strong bipartisan support, it failed to get enough votes in the House to override President Bush’s veto, which he issued Wednesday morning. Bush insists the expanded program, by raising the income eligibility levels, would draw children away from private insurance plans and act as a first step toward socialized medicine. But Democrats know that ideological debates are no match for pictures of sick children, and they are already training their sights on eight vulnerable Republicans, including Kuhl, who voted against it. “It is a defining vote; it says a lot about people’s values and priorities,” said Representative Chris Van Hollen, a Maryland Democrat and head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

The Democrats’ priorities in this instance are abundantly clear — they intend on making as much political hay of the children’s health care veto as they can, whether or not they can eventually turn enough Republicans to override it. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has insisted he will continue to send the bill back to Bush’s desk without modifying it for wavering Republicans, though House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has left the door open for changes. If the President vetoes the bill a hundred times between now and the 2008 elections the Democrats can portray the G.O.P. as voting against sick poor kids. If the G.O.P. caves, they can declare themselves the champions of children’s health care and finally have a legislative accomplishment to boast about. Either way, they think they can’t lose. “It’s our hope that these members of Congress, when they hear from their constituents, that they’ll choose children’s health,” Van Hollen said. “If not, voters will hold them accountable.”

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is already running radio ads against Kuhl and his seven colleagues, in addition to automated phone calls and an e-mail campaign. “Congressman Kuhl has a simple choice: give 10 million children the health care they need or turn his back on those children,” the radio announcer says in one spot. “Call Congressman Kuhl and tell him to stand with kids, NOT George Bush.”

Republicans are not taking the attacks lying down. They point to other compromises on the issue that they have proposed, such as Bush’s plan to expand the program by $25 billion instead of the $35 billion the Democrats want, and they accuse the Democrats of making SCHIP into a political football. Kuhl said he voted for a stopgap measure that extended the program, which was due to expire this week, by 45 days and is co-author of a bill that would further extend the current level of funding by eight months while Congress and the White House work out a compromise. “I’m not voting against health care for poor children, I’m voting for it,” said Kuhl, who won reelection in 2004 with just 51.4 % of the vote. “The people who elected me didn’t elect me to vote according to perception. They voted for me to do what’s right.”

House Minority Leader John Boehner stressed it was a Republican Congress that created the popular program in the first place a decade ago. But “it’s irresponsible to use a program designed for children as a trial balloon for government-run health care in this country, especially when we still have low-income kids who need to be identified and covered,” Boehner told TIME.

The proposed $35 billion SCHIP expansion is being paid for by a 61-cent increase in federal taxes on tobacco products, a move Kuhl and many Republicans oppose as a “tax increase.” Adding to Kuhl’s woes, Massa accuses him of being in the pocket of big tobacco since he’s received $10,000 from Altria and R. J. Reynolds, the two largest U.S. cigarette manufacturers, since 2006, according to Federal Election Commission Records. Kuhl dismissed such accusations with a laugh, saying he isn’t even committed to running again yet so the term “opponent” hardly applies to Massa. “I would hope that the Democratic majority, who controls the agenda, would stop playing politics with a bill like this and would bring a bill back that would actually be acceptable to a veto-proof majority of the House,” Kuhl said.

Massa, a 48-year old retired naval officer who ran against Kuhl in 2004 on a platform largely about Iraq, said he is now making SCHIP his No. 1 priority. “It is rapidly overcoming Iraq and here’s why: people have a hard time finding a solution on Iraq, they just can’t. This has a solution — this bill makes sense, it is clear and evident.”

Bush veto strategy threatens Republicans
Steven Thomma and Tony Pugh, McClatchy Newspapers
Wednesday, October 3, 2007

WASHINGTON — President Bush is putting his fellow Republicans on a collision course with the American people, forcing them to choose between guns and butter.

In this newest example of a historic clash over priorities, Bush is asking Congress for $190 billion to keep financing the unpopular war in Iraq for another year and vowing to veto as early as Wednesday a bipartisan plan to spend an additional $35 billion over five years on health insurance for children.

Polls suggest that Bush’s budget battle could be a loser for his party. Two new polls — one nonpartisan and one sponsored by a labor union — showed that solid U.S. majorities want to cut the financing for the war and increase spending on children’s health insurance.

Democrats and allied interest groups know it. They’re launching ad campaigns to increase pressure on Republican lawmakers in vulnerable seats to support the increased spending — or face great risk in next year’s elections.

“This is a fight that Democrats ought to welcome, that Republicans ought to fear,” Democratic pollster Geoff Garin said.

“The battle over spending priorities is the most important fight since the showdown over privatizing Social Security,” said Gerald McEntee, the president of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. “I don’t think we need to remind Bush who won that battle.”

Bush’s political motive is clear: He wants to restore his party’s reputation as fiscally conservative after six years of letting domestic spending grow faster than it did under Democrat Bill Clinton.

Thus, a president who didn’t veto a single spending bill in his first six years in office now vows to veto not only more spending for children’s health insurance but nine other spending bills as well. Bush says Congress mustn’t spend more on domestic programs than the $933 billion he requested for fiscal 2008. The Democratic-led Congress wants to spend $22 billion more than that — less than 1 percent of the federal budget. On this difference rests his nine-bill veto threat.

The American people seem to line up against Bush, particularly as he appears to link the two controversies by sending Congress his request to finance the Iraq war at the same time that he’s vetoing the State Children’s Health Insurance Program.

In a new ABC-Washington Post survey, 67 percent of the respondents said they wanted Congress to reduce the amount of money going to Iraq and Afghanistan, while 27 percent wanted lawmakers to approve Bush’s spending request. At the same time, 72 percent said they wanted Congress to approve the additional spending on children’s health insurance, while 25 percent opposed it.

Republicans at the White House and in the congressional leadership say there’s no connection between spending on Iraq and on children’s health insurance, and work to portray the children’s bill as a partisan Democratic proposal.

House Minority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio, for example, said the proposal was put together without input from Republicans.

That isn’t true. Senior Republicans such as Sens. Charles Grassley of Iowa, the senior Republican on the Senate Finance Committee and a fiscal conservative, and Orrin Hatch of Utah helped draft the bill, and 18 Republicans in the Senate and 45 in the House of Representatives voted for it.

Moreover, Grassley contests Bush’s objections to the children’s health insurance bill.

Pressure now mounts on Republicans who voted against the new spending but come from swing districts, where the idea of greater spending on health insurance for kids could be as popular with their constituents as it is nationally.

Health-insurance advocates need 25 more votes in the House to override a Bush veto. They have enough votes to override in the Senate if they hold every vote they collected at the measure’s initial passage.

The Democrats’ political operation for House candidates, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, began running radio ads this week in the districts of eight swing-district Republicans who voted against the measure. As many as 25 others could be targeted.

The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees and another group, Americans United For Change, are launching a $3 million to $5 million ad campaign against other Republicans.

At the same time, Majority Whip James Clyburn, D-S.C., said Tuesday that of eight House Democrats who’d opposed the measure and three others who didn’t vote on it, five had now agreed to support it. Clyburn wouldn’t disclose their names.

ARE BUSH’S POINTS VALID?

President Bush claims that the bipartisan bill to expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program “would result in taking a program meant to help poor children and turning it into one that covers children in households with incomes up to $83,000 a year.”

That’s not true.

The bill maintains current law. It limits the program to children from families with incomes up to twice the federal poverty level — now $20,650 for a family of four, for a program limit of $41,300 — or to 50 percentage points above a state’s Medicaid eligibility threshold, which varies state to state.

States that want to increase eligibility beyond those limits would require approval from Bush’s Health and Human Services Department, just as they must win waivers now. The HHS recently denied a request by New York to increase its income threshold to four times the poverty level — the $82,600 figure that Republican opponents of the bill are using.

Under current law, nineteen states have won waivers from these income limits. The biggest was granted to New Jersey, which upped its income limit to 350 percent of the federal poverty level, or $72,275 for a family of four in 2007. The expanded SCHIP program retains the waiver option under federal discretion; it doesn’t change it.

The president also claims that the proposal would cause some families to drop private coverage and enroll their children in the cheaper SCHIP program.
That’s true.

Peter Orszag, the director of the Congressional Budget Office, said that was inevitable to some degree when any government program expanded. The CBO estimates that the legislation would attract 5.8 million new enrollees by 2012. Of them, 3.8 million would be uninsured and eligible under current requirements, and 2 million probably would have had private coverage before the expansion.

That’s a rate of about 1 in 3 new enrollees dropping private insurance. “We don’t see very many other policy options that would reduce the number of uninsured children by the same amount without creating more” dropouts from private insurance, Orszag said.

DEMOCRATS’ TARGETS

Democrats are airing radio ads to pressure eight Republicans in the House of Representatives to support expanded spending for children’s health insurance: Reps. Steve Chabot of Ohio, Thelma Drake of Virginia, Tom Feeney of Florida, Sam Graves of Missouri, Joe Knollenberg of Michigan, John “Randy” Kuhl of New York, James Saxton of New Jersey and Tim Walberg of Michigan.

ON THE WEB

Read an analysis of the proposal by FactCheck.org, a nonpartisan, nonprofit project that monitors accuracy in U.S. politics, sponsored by the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania.

“CROWD-OUT” IS NOT THE SAME AS VOLUNTARILY DROPPING PRIVATE HEALTH INSURANCE FOR PUBLIC PROGRAM COVERAGE
Leighton Ku, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

As leading health policy experts have explained, under the fragmented U.S. health insurance system, virtually any effort to cover more of the uninsured — including efforts that rely on tax deductions or credits for the purchase of health insurance in the private market, as well as public program expansions — will result in some “crowd-out” (in the substitution of one type of health insurance for another) or in more heavily subsidizing people who are already insured, rather than in extending coverage to those who are uninsured. For example, an analysis of the Administration’s health tax proposals from last year by the noted health economist Jonathan Gruber estimated that 77 percent of the benefits would go to people who already are insured.

In comparison, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that under the bipartisan SCHIP agreement passed yesterday by the House on a 265-159 vote, about one-third — or 2 million — of the 5.8 million children who would gain SCHIP or Medicaid coverage by 2012 under the legislation would have otherwise had private coverage, a percentage less than half the 77 percent for the Administration proposals.[1] The CBO estimates also show that 3.8 million children who otherwise would be uninsured would gain coverage by 2012.

In any case, the phenomenon of crowd-out related to SCHIP and Medicaid is widely misunderstood. Many people assume that CBO’s estimate of the bipartisan agreement means that the families of 2 million children who currently have private coverage would voluntarily drop that coverage for their children and enroll the children in SCHIP or Medicaid instead. As CBO director Peter Orszag has explained, this is not correct.

CBO defines “crowd-out” to include all children who are uninsured when they enroll in SCHIP or Medicaid but whose families would — in the absence of SCHIP or Medicaid — have purchased private coverage for these children at some point in the future, possibly many months later. Orszag has explained that these children account for a substantial share of those whom CBO estimates would otherwise have private coverage.

In other words, a large share of the SCHIP “crowd-out,” as estimated by CBO, involves children who are uninsured now but who would obtain private coverage at some later point if SCHIP (or Medicaid) coverage were not available to them. These are not children who had private insurance that their families voluntarily dropped for public program coverage.

Surveys show, in fact, that only a small share of children had private health insurance before enrolling in SCHIP or Medicaid. The Congressionally-mandated 10-state evaluation of SCHIP found that while 28 percent of newly enrolled children had private coverage before joining SCHIP, half of them — or 14 percent —lost their private insurance for involuntary reasons before enrolling in SCHIP, such as when parents lost their jobs or became divorced or employers stopped offering health insurance for dependents.[2]

CBO estimates an overall crowd-out rate of about one-third under the bipartisan SCHIP legislation in part because of what CBO estimates would happen after some children who are uninsured enroll in SCHIP or Medicaid. For example, an unemployed parent of an uninsured child who enrolled in SCHIP may eventually get a low-paying job in which private insurance is available but employees have to pay hefty premiums and deductibles (or the insurance has large gaps). In such cases, the low-income parent may choose not to pick up private insurance for her children because the children already have satisfactory insurance through SCHIP. CBO counts these children as individuals who would otherwise have had private insurance and thus as part of its crowd-out estimate. Referring to the families whose children show up as “crowd-out” children in CBO’s estimates, Orszag has said that “For many such families, after they are on the program [SCHIP], they could have had an opportunity to pick up private coverage but don’t.”[3]

Some who cite the CBO crowd-out estimates misuse them, contending that all of the children included in CBO’s crowd-out estimate are children who would voluntarily drop existing private health insurance to join SCHIP or Medicaid. At the point that they would enroll in SCHIP or Medicaid, however, many of the children cited in the CBO crowd-out estimate would be uninsured, and they often would remain uninsured for some period of time unless they enrolled in public coverage.

Faithful America provides a list of rep’s who need to be contacted in the House … check for your state and respond.

Ask your representative to override the SCHIP veto. Here’s a list of representatives whose vote is crucial.

AL Robert Aderholt
AR John Boozman
CA Brian Bilbray
CA John Doolittle
CO Marilyn Musgrave
FL Gus Bilirakis
FL Ginny Brown-Waite
FL Tom Feeney
FL Rick Keller
IL Judy Biggert
IL Tim Johnson
IL Peter Roskam
IL Jerry Weller
LA Rodney Alexander
MI Joseph Knollenberg
MI Thaddeus McCotter
MI Tim Walberg
MN Michelle Bachman
MO Sam Graves
NJ Rodney Frelinghuysen
NJ Scott Garrett
NJ Jim Saxton
NY Randy Kuhl
OH Steve Chabot
OR Greg Walden
PA John Peterson
TX Kay Granger
VA Thelma Drake
VA Randy Forbes

Republicans Who Didn’t Vote

CA Wally Herger
WY Barbara Cubin

Democrats Who Voted No

FL Kathy Castor
MS Gene Taylor
NC Bob Etheridge
NC Mike McIntrye
OH Dennis Kucinich

Democrats Who Voted Present or Absent

CA Diane Watson
IN Julia Carson (if back for the vote)
MA William Delahunt

Click here for information on how to contact representatives.

“So keep fightin’ for freedom and justice, beloveds, but don’t you forget to have fun doin’ it. Lord, let your laughter ring forth. Be outrageous, ridicule the fraidy-cats, rejoice in all the oddities that freedom can produce. And when you get through kickin’ ass and celebratin’ the sheer joy of a good fight, be sure to tell those who come after how much fun it was.”
~ Molly Ivins, 1944 - 2007

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